Interview with Antonio López-Istúriz White, Member of the European Parliament and Chair of the EU–Mexico Delegation

The EU–Mexico relationship has evolved significantly, particularly with the modernization of the Global Agreement. How do you assess the current state of EU–Mexico relations, and what are the key priorities to transform this partnership into a truly strategic alliance?

The relationship between the European Union and Mexico has moved beyond being merely a commercial partnership and has entered a clearly strategic dimension. We are operating in a context of technological globalization, where power is no longer measured solely in terms of GDP, but in the ability to influence standards, data, and digital value chains.

Mexico is a natural partner for the EU: we share a common foundation that allows us to build more than cooperation, a true structural alliance. The priority is now clear: to transform this relationship into a pillar of global governance. To achieve this, we must move towards the creation of an interoperable economic and digital space, strengthen regulatory cooperation, and consolidate the modernised Global Agreement as a key instrument—not only commercially, but also geopolitically.

The updated EU–Mexico trade agreement has been under discussion for several years. What are the main political and economic obstacles to its full implementation, and how can both sides ensure it delivers tangible benefits in areas such as digital trade, investment, and regulatory cooperation?

The main challenge is not technical, but political. The modernisation of the agreement has progressed, but its full implementation requires sustained political will on both sides.

Among the key obstacles are regulatory complexity and the need to ensure normative compatibility; domestic political sensitivities, particularly in strategic sectors; and the need to adapt to emerging areas such as digital trade and the data economy.

The solution is not to replicate regulatory models, but to ensure regulatory interoperability, which provides legal certainty and facilitates investment. If implemented correctly, the agreement can become a global benchmark, particularly in areas such as digital trade, data protection, technological investment, and regulatory cooperation.

Mexico is increasingly central to global supply chains, especially in the context of nearshoring and US–China tensions. How can the European Union deepen its engagement with Mexico to remain a competitive and relevant partner in this shifting geopolitical environment?

Mexico occupies a central position in the reconfiguration of global supply chains, particularly in the context of nearshoring and tensions between the United States and China.

For the European Union, this represents a strategic opportunity: we must deepen our presence in Mexico not only as a trading partner, but also as an industrial and technological partner. This means integrating the digital dimension into the economic relationship and participating in the development of shared technological value chains.If Europe wants to remain a relevant actor, it must act with a geopolitical vision and not limit itself to a purely commercial logic.

As Chairman of the EU–Mexico Delegation, how do you see evolving EU–US relations influencing Europe’ s positioning in Latin America?

Transatlantic relations remain essential, but they cannot fully define Europe’s external action in Latin America. Europe must develop its own policy towards the region. Latin America should not be seen as a secondary space, but as a strategic partner in shaping a global digital order based on democratic values.

In this context, the relationship with the United States is influential, but it does not replace the need for an autonomous, coherent, and sustained European presence in the region.

Latin America is increasingly a space of competition among global actors, including the United States, China, and Europe. What should be the EU’s differentiating value proposition in the region Europe has a clear differentiating factor: it offers a rights-based digital model. Today, three major models coexist globally: the state-control model, the deregulated market model, and the democratic model based on rights.

The EU, together with Latin America, can consolidate this third model. Our value proposition is not only economic, but also normative and political: legal certainty, data protection, balanced regulation, and respect for fundamental rights. In a competitive global environment, this is a strategic advantage.

In today’s polarized global environment, how can the EU and partners like Mexico reinforce democratic institutions, rule of law, and multilateral cooperation?

In a context of growing polarization, cooperation between the EU and Mexico must focus on strengthening democratic pillars. This includes reinforcing the rule of law, combating disinformation and hybrid threats, and promoting common standards in artificial intelligence and digital governance. Technology is no longer an isolated sector; it is an instrument of political power. Therefore, defending democracy today also requires technological sovereignty. Bi-regional cooperation must ensure that digitalisation strengthens, rather than weakens, our democratic institutions.

Following recent high-level engagements, including the Digital Summit LATAM in Madrid, what concrete steps should the EU take in the next 12–24 months to revitalize its strategy toward Latin America and the Caribbean?

Following events such as the Digital Summit LATAM, the next step is to move from reflection to action.

Over the next 12–24 months, the EU should focus on:

– Fully implementing the EU–Mexico agreement with a strong digital component

-Advancing interoperability in digital identity and electronic signatures- Establishing common cybersecurity standards

– Promoting a permanent EU–Latin America parliamentary dialogue

The objective is clear: to build an interoperable, secure, and trust-based Euro–Latin

American digital space. Because ultimately, the question is no longer whether we regulate more or less, but who writes the rules. And if Europe and Latin America do not do it together, others will do it for us.

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